"Safety and certainty
in oil lie in variety and variety alone"
The
reliable delivery of oil, gas and electricity represents a set of significant
engineering challenges – but they have been solved. However, disruptive and malign political
forces are in play. We have seen that
the security and reliability of our energy supply is at the mercy of factors as
mundane as strikes, protests and ill-conceived energy policy, as well as the
more dramatic interventions of blockade, sabotage and war. A chilling prospect
in every sense.
How, then,
do prudent policy-makers go about securing our energy supplies ? There are several tiers of defence and we
will conclude this series by surveying the field.
Some
reliability measures are put in place primarily against ordinary contingencies
such as plant failure, extreme weather etc.
They may also serve against more
sinister forces.
Over-capacity: if one power plant in 20 is statistically
liable to be out of order at any one time, there is a natural argument to have
21 or 22 plants in service. Engineers
being people who like building plants anyway, this solution to unreliability is
very congenial to them, and when possessed of monopoly powers as many energy
utilities used to enjoy, are inclined to follow this approach to excess. Liberalisation of energy markets is characterised by reductions in the margin of over-capacity when economic factors start being given proper consideration: some assert this can go too far, a thought which we return to at the end of this piece.
Storage: holding a strategic inventory of a vital
commodity is as old as Joseph’s advise to the Pharaoh on how to prepare for the
seven years lean. This is easily
organised for oil and coal; less easily for gas; and with currently-available
technology near-impossible for power on any scale (aside from pumped-storage of
water for hydro-electric generation where geology and geography permit).
Diversification: as Churchill knew (see the quotation above),
‘variety’ or, as we would say, diversification of sources, is a key measure
against insecurity of supply. A century
ago he was addressing the problem for the British Fleet, newly converted from
coal-burning to oil, and relying almost exclusively on supplies from distant Persia. Whatever the reason for having concerns about
the reliability of any one source, it is a good idea to have several.
The UK is among several European nations that have achieved a good measure of diversification in energy supplies, but several instances of risky concentration can be identified. France is hugely reliant on its vast nuclear sector for electricity, and if there were to be a systemic problem (perhaps a catastrophic design fault) that caused their reactors to be closed, they would be in significant difficulties. Famously, a number of eastern European countries are heavily dependent on Russia for their gas.
The UK is among several European nations that have achieved a good measure of diversification in energy supplies, but several instances of risky concentration can be identified. France is hugely reliant on its vast nuclear sector for electricity, and if there were to be a systemic problem (perhaps a catastrophic design fault) that caused their reactors to be closed, they would be in significant difficulties. Famously, a number of eastern European countries are heavily dependent on Russia for their gas.
Interconnection: when supplies are interrupted from one source
it is important to be able to access as many other sources as possible. For this purpose it is obviously best to be
connected to as many other supply-chains as economically possible (a concept we
shall return to below). For oil this is
generally very easy, as ships and trucks can easily be re-routed. For coal it can be slightly more problematic,
as there are many different types of coal, and coal-burning plant are often
configured for specific grades.
Gas and
electricity are restricted to largely static infrastructure. Switching to an alternative supply route can
be difficult, and is rarely possible unless inter-connections for the purpose
have been built in advance of problems occurring. The EC actively promotes developing new cross-border gas and electricity connections, and uprating existing ones, and European interconnection is improving all the time.
Free trade
and other regulations: closely bound up with diversification and
interconnection, anyone wanting to access an emergency source of supply (other
than one they already own) needs to be confident that they can buy what they
want from those who have it – provided they are willing to pay, of course.
This
requires a market to exist – which shouldn’t be an issue; but in gas and
electricity, it cannot be taken for granted.
Even oil and coal have at various times not been fully tradable. Gas and electricity were historically, though
erroneously, viewed as ‘natural monopolies’, and anyone needing to buy (or
sell) at short notice might have had nowhere to go. In western nations, gas and electricity
ceased to be statutory monopolies well over a decade ago, but in some areas
there are distinct deficiencies in the workings of the ‘market’ – generally
because of blocking actions by former monopolies who have lost little of their
de facto dominance, and none of their overbearing arrogance.
Even where
markets are working well on a good day (e.g. most of Europe),
there can be issues when problems occur.
For example: French regulations
on ensuring the security of supply of La France used to be what many would deem
to be irrationally strict; so that when a perfectly ordinary practical problem
arose in the UK gas grid, even at a time when supplies were ample on the other
side of the Channel, French operators would declare ‘problem ahoy’, and would
start paying any price to fill their already well-stocked storage, safe in the
knowledge that the regulators would endorse them passing through the costs of
this fatuous operation to their customers.
What should have been a simple matter of UK
spot prices rising to attract surplus gas from France and elsewhere, became a more
serious problem than objectively necessary.
Resolving
this issue, while at the same time respecting every nation’s right to take
legitimate security measures, has required harmonising regulations. This can work well at levels where fairly effective
supra-national bodies exist – the EU being one example. Whether entities such as the WTO are
genuinely effective for such purposes remains to be seriously tested.
Of the above
measures, we can say that all of them are useful in times of purposeful
external threats to security of supply, as well for dealing with
run-of-the-mill contingencies. Yet
further steps may be contemplated against sinister possibilities.
Hardening infrastructure: energy commodities being highly combustible
and generally dependent on large, static infrastructure, they are perennially
vulnerable to outright attack. Most
nations mandate at least some level of high security for these facilities, as
inspection via Google Earth will readily confirm. Since 9/11, ‘resilience’ measures have been
stepped up considerably.
Diplomacy: avoiding conflict always helps. More positively, securing alliances designed
to improve secure access to commodities is a major pre-occupation for many
nations: the USA in the
Middle East, and China in Africa come readily to mind.
Multi-national
contingency plans: following the AOPEC
oil embargo of 1973-4, the International Energy Agency was given powers to mandate
the holding of strategic oil stocks in OECD nations, and to direct the use of
these stocks in emergencies. The IEA’s
direct interventions to allocate oil supplies during the embargo, coordinated
in practical terms by Exxon, saved the targeted nations (in particular Holland) from even greater
economic trouble than they suffered in the event.
(Incidentally,
in the mid 1990’s the IEA made a major study on how Europe would fare if ‘the
single biggest source of supply’ – viz Russia – were to interrupt gas
supplies for 6 months. Even in those
pre-market days, it concluded that with multinational coordination, no European
nation would face complete ruin. More
than 6 months might have been a different story …)
Armed
forces: sometimes, passive and political
measures are not enough, and the military may need to be deployed. The navies of the trading world are, for
example, constantly working against piracy in the Indian
Ocean and elsewhere. More spectacularly, Western military interventions
in Iraq have been attributed
to the USA’s
extended Middle Eastern oil policy – perhaps more easily asserted in the case of
the first Gulf War than the second.
= = = = = = =
The foregoing
is a fairly pedestrian listing. A more
interesting line of enquiry stems from a simple classification of the various
measures into two categories: those which build
towards self-sufficiency, and those which seek to make possible a system of
mutual dependency. In the former we
would place over-capacity, storage, diversification, hardening, and armed
forces: in the latter, inter-connection,
free trade, diplomacy, multi-national contingency plans and (to the extent we
are part of military alliances) also armed forces.
There is a
school of thought that values self-sufficiency above all other types of security.
In some spheres it may not be possible:
for example, Belgium
enjoys no indigenous natural gas resources whatever. But in cases where it is possible, why would
it not always be the solution of choice ?
The answer
is that it might be much more expensive than mutual dependency – perhaps prohibitively
so. We hinted at an economic cost-benefit
trade-off when speaking of desiring to be connected to as many other supply-chains
as economically possible.
If there is
an economic trade-off to be made, how might one decide an optimal degree of self-sufficiency
? This important question is reserved for
another day, concluding here with the observation that we need our politicians
to make their judgements on security of energy supplies carefully: for civilisation
is energy-intensive.
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